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by Jelena SIMIĆ and Tony BAILIE

In societies where the legacy of recent violent conflicts still resonates, symbols such as flags, murals, monuments, and graffiti play a salient role in representing the collective identities, memories, and feelings of communities.

However, in Kosovo and Northern Ireland, as well as signifying the identity and belonging of a particular community, symbols also carry political and ethnic narratives that can provoke feelings of insecurity in other communities and act as barriers to reconciliation.

Mitrovica, a city in northern Kosovo, is divided between mostly ethnic Serbs in the north and ethnic Albanians in the south, with the Ibar River serving as both a physical and symbolic boundary between the communities. The main bridge across the Ibar, while intended as a connection, often represents a dividing line.

In Mitrovica, symbols are visible at every turn. Serbian and Albanian flags, along with a few Kosovo flags, clearly define the boundaries between communities. These symbols often signify resistance towards the other side.


Serbian nationalist banners displayed in north Mitrovica. Mitrovica, Kosovo. © Allan LEONARD @MrUlster

The Serbian flag, frequently seen on buildings, public spaces, and promenades in the northern part of the city, embodies the symbolic resistance to Kosovo’s authority and expresses a connection with Serbia.

Similarly in Northern Ireland, flags, murals, and monuments are used by both pro-British Unionist/Loyalist and pro-Irish Nationalist/Republican communities as symbols of identity, marking out territory and as a means to establish their collective narratives.

Milena Pilipović, a sociology professor with over ten years of experience working with young people across Mitrovica, highlights that symbols act as “stories” that societies use to articulate their past, present, and future:

“Flags often carry complex symbolism and can be interpreted in different ways. It’s essential to understand the context in which they are used.

“There are many cases where flags are used as a means of identification and belonging to groups, but also as an expression of territorial claims.”

Prof. Pilipović adds that in the southern part of Mitrovica, where the majority Albanian population lives:

“Kosovo flags are present, reflecting both ethnic belonging and political views on Kosovo’s status.”

“These flags not only represent ethnic identity but also political positions on the status of Kosovo, which we interpret differently.”

Dejan Nedeljković, a resident of Mitrovica, explained that the flags of Serbia have, above all, a symbolic meaning.

“In practical terms, it means nothing. In symbolic terms, it means a lot, because, unfortunately, the only thing that shows Serbia’s presence in northern Kosovo is the flag on the Zvečan fortress. Symbolically, it means a lot, but in practice, whenever there have been many Serbian flags in Kosovo, a part of Serbia’s statehood has disappeared”, he stated.


Flag of Ulster Defence Association (UDA). © Gordon GILLESPIE

In Northern Ireland the union flag — the national flag of the United Kingdom — along with other pro-British loyalist flags, including those which include the names of violent paramilitary organisations such as the UVF (Ulster Volunteer Force) and UDA (Ulster Defence Association), can be seen flying from people’s houses and lampposts throughout predominantly unionist areas.


Ireland tricolour flags at new social housing development, Markets area, Belfast, Northern Ireland. © Gordon GILLESPIE

Meanwhile, republicans use the Irish tricolour — the national flag of Ireland — to mark out their territory.

Flags are often erected at interface areas where the two communities live close to one another, sometimes separated by just a road and in other places by a barricade, gate, or even a “peace wall”.

While Irish republicans often describe the union flag as offensive, unionists insist that it is the national flag of the United Kingdom — of which Northern Ireland is part — and an important symbol of their British identity.


Flag protest. Belfast City Hall, Northern Ireland. © Allan LEONARD @MrUlster

A decision by Belfast City Council in 2012 to stop flying the union flag all year round and limit it to 18 days per year resulted in protests throughout Northern Ireland, some of them violent, as it was seen as an attack on unionist identity.

At the time of the protests, a 19-year-old female protester told the Guardian newspaper: “We are the United Kingdom, it’s our flag. For it to be taken down is removing British rights. Equality has gone out the window for Protestants in this city a long time ago.”


Dominic BRYAN unfurls flag during his presentation. Conference: Ulster Loyalism: Past, Present and Future. Institute of Irish Studies, Queen’s University Belfast. Belfast, Northern Ireland © Allan LEONARD @MrUlster

Prof Dominic Bryan, of Queen’s University Belfast, who co-chaired a Northern Ireland Assembly Commission on Flags, Identity, Culture and Tradition, said:

“Most unionists cannot see how the union flag is offensive as it is the national flag, although some moderate unionists do understand that it could be a problem at an interface.

“Putting a flag up at an interface or on a lamp post does change the meaning, and you can no longer simply say that this is our national flag which symbolises our country in the same way that it would be for the tricolour flying in Dublin or the union flag in London over public buildings.”

In 2022, Mary Lou McDonald, the leader of the pro united Ireland party Sinn Fein, said that any future discussion on Irish unity would cover everything, including symbols such as what flag and national anthem would be used.

She said that her preference would be for the existing Irish tricolour and anthem to remain but added: “Every single thing will be discussed. Of course we need to talk about those things.”


Looking towards south Mitrovica across Mitrovica Bridge, from north Mitrovica. Serbian flag in foreground. Mitrovica, Kosovo. © Allan LEONARD @MrUlster

In Kosovo, the Ibar River bridge — which divides the northern and southern parts of Mitrovica — also carries its own symbolism. Although the bridge physically represents a possibility of connection, it is often seen as a line of division or a kind of psychological barrier.

Professor of political science Nexhmedin Spahiu points out that symbols can demonstrate dominance. He explained:

“There were all kinds of symbols on the Ibar bridge from both Serbian and Albanian sides.

“However, when the bridge was being prepared for reopening, the Kosovo government removed all of these symbols so that they wouldn’t act as psychological barriers for people.


Flag of Kosovo. “The EU flag’s blue and yellow colours were used for the flag’s background and silhouette of the national territory, respectively, and the EU flag’s circle of white stars was paralleled in the arc of white stars on the Kosovo flag. The stars were said to stand for the six predominant ethnic groups of the country (Albanians, Bosniaks, Gorani, Roma, Serbs, and Turks).” https://www.britannica.com/topic/flag-of-Kosovo

“Symbols can contribute to the stabilization of society, but they can also deepen divisions. When the Kosovo national flag was designed, it was intended not to offend members of other communities living here and to be acceptable to all.”

Prof. Spahiu further explained:

“For many Albanians, the Serbian flag is offensive because it reminds them of the Serbian police, which had a badge with the flag on their uniforms. On the other hand, the symbols of the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) are offensive to Serbs.

“Symbols both unite and divide us, but it depends on how they are perceived and the history behind them.”


Glory sculpture by Yann RENARD-GOULET (1914-1999). Irish republican monument. Inscription: “Gory to you all praised and humble heroes who have willingly suffered for your unselfish and passionate love of Irish freedom.” North Street, Crossmaglen, Northern Ireland. © Allan LEONARD @MrUlster

While flags — notably the Irish tricolour — are flown in nationalist areas of Northern Ireland, they are not as prevalent as the union flags. Rather, the main issue that causes tensions in terms of symbols for the unionist community are unofficial monuments.

These monuments rarely have official planning permission and often commemorate members of the Irish Republican Army (IRA) and other republican groups who died as a result of their paramilitary activities. While some nationalists/republicans regard them as freedom fighters, most unionists label them as terrorists.

Prof. Bryan explained:

“From a republican point of view they see that unionism is represented in civic spaces in terms of official war memorials, and organisations like the UVF will lay wreaths at these.

“So, it is important to republicans to also memorialise their dead and to make their lives sacred. But unionists see these as memorials to terrorists. To some extent republicans understand and can be quite pragmatic about that.”

This pragmatism was demonstrated in 2002, after a memorial to three dead IRA men was erected in County Fermanagh close to where the IRA had shot dead two Protestant men. However, following objections from the men’s families, republicans moved the monument.

Urall Boshnjaku, a journalist and editor of the Mitrovica portal Mitropol, believes that symbols serve as “fuel” for underdeveloped societies fed by nationalist propaganda, mainly by political party leaders:

“This happens due to the lack of sustainable economic development, stable jobs, and low levels of education. In countries that have recently emerged from conflict, even school programs are influenced by nationalist narratives from different sides.”

The same is true in Northern Ireland, where the majority of flags, murals, and unofficial monuments are found in predominantly working class and often economically deprived areas.

Mr Boshnjaku continued:

“The decoration of squares with flags, whether in the northern or southern parts [of Mitrovica] — apart from during national holidays — clearly shows how much importance both populations place on symbols.

“In post-conflict countries, murals and graffiti often contain heightened doses of nationalism, disrupting the long-term goal of peace among people. There are many such examples everywhere.”


Loyalist paramilitary mural. UVF East Belfast Battalion: “We seek nothing but the elementary right implanted in every man: the right if you are attacked, to defend yourself.” Newtownards Road, Belfast, Northern Ireland. © Allan LEONARD @MrUlster

In Northern Ireland, wall murals are important in both communities, although loyalist ones tend to be macho and militaristic, apart from those showing female members of the British royal family.

Prof. Bryan agrees that republican murals are more diverse, with many including international themes and, more recently, reflecting the role that women have played in the campaign for Irish independence and reunification:

“Republicans have shifted to depicting women on their murals, but this hasn’t really happened in loyalism — but then it is mostly men who fight in wars.”

While it may seem there is little that unites the two communities in Northern Ireland in terms of their respective symbols, there was one glimmer of hope.


Thank you NHS. Mural of boy holding figurine of nurse wearing face covering and cape, depicted as a hero, with rainbow in background. Ribble Street, Belfast, Northern Ireland. © Allan LEONARD @MrUlster

Although the rainbow flag is now recognised in many countries as a symbol of the LGBTQ+ community, during Covid lockdowns it was also used as a means of expressing support for doctors, nurses, and other frontline staff working for the UK’s National Health Service.

It was flown in communities throughout Northern Ireland, including in hardline republican and loyalist areas.


Image of Red Hand of Ulster used in the flag of the Northern Ireland Parliament (1953–1972) and in the four provinces flag of Ireland. Source: Wikipedia.

Another common symbol to both traditions in Northern Ireland is the Red Hand of Ulster, which is embraced by loyalists/unionists as symbolic of the region’s separate identity from the rest of Ireland, but is also recognised by nationalists/republican as a symbol of one of the four provinces of the island of Ireland.

In a peculiarly Irish twist, the exact same symbol has entirely different meanings to the divided traditions that claim it as their own.

In both Kosovo and Northern Ireland, symbols can present obstacles to reconciliation, but perhaps if reinterpreted in an inclusive context, they can contribute to building shared memory and compassion.

Community events and educational programs centred on shared values might also help shift these symbols from representing separation to fostering inclusiveness, paving the way toward reconciliation.

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This article is part of a series co-authored by Kosovo and Northern Ireland participants in a peace journalism project, Reporting on a Troubled Past, initiated and organised by the Association of Journalists of Kosovo in partnership with Shared Future News, with funding from the British Embassy Pristina. The facts presented and views expressed are those of the authors and editorially independent of any funder.